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UFC 270: Ngannou vs Gane | Betting Picks, Predictions & Odds



UFC 270: Ngannou vs Gane | Betting Picks, Predictions & Odds

It’s a new year, and for the first time in 2022, we have UFC on pay per view. As soon as the bell dings, we’ll have two title fights to whet our UFC 270 betting appetites.

The main event is Francis Ngannou vs. Ciryl Gane, and we have the odds, picks, and predictions for that heavyweight title fight, as well as the other four main bouts at UFC 270.

Kindly note that all information in this preview, including whether or not the events will take place, is subject to change due to Covid-19.

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UFC 270: Ngannou vs. Gane Betting Picks and Predictions

For the first time since 2015 and the fight between Cain Velasquez and Fabricio Werdum, we have a heavyweight champion going toe-to-toe with another heavyweight champion.

It’s also interesting that Francis Ngannou’s contract expires after this fight, and if he wants to remain in the UFC, and if the UFC wants to keep him, the result here should go a long way toward deciding that.

Ngannou and Ciryl Gane used to train together and have sparred against each other multiple times. Both fighters know the other one intimately, which favors Gane.

Like Ngannou, Gane is a power puncher. But he’s more technical in his approach to fights and doesn’t rely solely on the power behind one landed punch. He’ll approach the fight with more of a plan, while Ngannou’s mindset stays the same from fight to fight – throw a flurry of punches and hope that one of them hits.

This is why Gane is the betting favorite and why he’s our predicted winner. Both men land their share of knockouts, but Gane can also win a fight on points. That versatility in how he plans for a fighter, and how he can win, makes him the slightly better bet.

UFC 270: Ngannou vs. Gane Odds

The most recent UFC 270 odds have Ciryl Gane as the favorite to win. But if Ngannou is to pull off the upset, a knockout is the most likely scenario.

Win Outright:

Francis Ngannou (+120)
Ciryl Gane (-140)

Win by KO/TKO/DQ:

Francis Ngannou (+130)
Ciryl Gane (+240)

Win by Decision:

Francis Ngannou (+700)
Ciryl Gane (+333)

Win by Submission:

Francis Ngannou (+2500)
Ciryl Gane (+900)

Draw (+6600)

Francis Ngannou – Fighter Profile and History

Born and raised in Cameroon, Francis Ngannou moved to Paris at the age of 26 to pursue a professional boxing career. Living homeless on the streets and desperate for a break, Ngannou found his way to the MMA Factory, the largest mixed martial arts gym in France.

From there, he was convinced to switch from boxing to MMA, and as he began training at the gym, he was also allowed to live there.

After winning five of his first six MMA bouts in France, he signed with the UFC and debuted in 2015 – that fight resulted in a second-round knockout of Luis Henrique. Ngannou would go on to win his first six UFC heavyweight fights, five of them by KO or TKO, setting up his first title bout in 2018 against Stipe Miocic.

Ngannou lost that fight, but after three long years and four more KO/TKOs, he got a rematch for the title in March 2021. Ngannou won the UFC Heavyweight Championship, also by knockout.

This is Ngannou’s first fight since winning the championship 10 months ago.

Ciryl Gane – Fighter Profile and History

Born on the western edge of France, Ciryl Gane grew up playing sports but never dreamed of having a life in MMA. After his school days were over, Gane took a job as a furniture salesman. But after that shop closed its doors, he needed to find something else, and he’d recently been introduced to Muay Thai by a school friend.

Gane was a natural from the start and won all 13 of his professional Muay Thai fights. Gane left Muay Thai as the WBC Muay Thai champion and began his MMA career with TKO in Canada in 2018. In his debut, he fought for the vacant heavyweight title and won it.

After three fights in Canada, and three wins, Gane joined the UFC, where he has since won seven more MMA fights without a loss.

The last of those wins was at UFC 265 when he beat Derrick Lewis for the interim Heavyweight Championship, which was awarded because Ngannou was allegedly unwilling to defend his title.

UFC 270: Fight Card Betting Picks and Odds

The Heavyweight Championship is on the line when Ngannou meets Game, but there are four other fights on the main card worth talking about. If you’ve never staked money on a UFC fight, then here’s where you’ll find everything you need to know about UFC betting.

Brandon Moreno (-180) vs. Deiveson Figueiredo (+155)

This one is for the UFC Flyweight Championship, and these two men are becoming well acquainted with one another. Not only is this their third meeting, but it’s also their third meeting in a row.

The first meeting was a draw, and the second fight resulted in a Moreno win by submission, giving him the UFC Flyweight Championship, a title he also held when he was with the Legacy Fight Championship. A second win at UFC 270 in their third bout would solidify his claim as the best fighter in the division and prove once again that he never should’ve been cut by UFC in 2018.

Michel Pereira (-280) vs. Andre Fialho (+230)

UFC 270 marks the beginning of Andre Fialho’s UFC career. He comes into his UFC debut with a 4-0 record in 2021 and is 14-3 overall. He has most recently been fighting with the UAE Warriors.

Michel Pereira has been fighting professionally since 2011, and he has been with a variety of organizations, primarily in Brazil and Peru. After doing well in South America, he joined the Serbian Battle Championship and won the welterweight title while fighting there.

Since that time, Pereira joined the UFC in 2019, has a 4-2 record, and should have little problem taking care of Fialho. Pereira’s last two wins have come by unanimous decision.

Cody Stamann (+170) vs. Said Nurmagomedov (-200)

These two fighters are bantamweights looking to prove they belong among the best in the division. Right now, both men are outside the top-15 rankings, and both are a long way from getting any kind of title shot.

Said Nurmagomedov is the more accomplished fighter, having won a bantamweight title in Russia and compiling a 3-1 record since joining the UFC. His last fight was a first-round knockout 15 months ago in Dubai.

Cody Stamann was a wrestler in college and is a blue belt in Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu. He’s been with the UFC since 2017. He’s 5-3-1 with the UFC, but he’s lost his last two bouts, and this likely third straight loss could be the end of his career at this level.

Rodolfo Vieira (-225) vs. Wellington Turman (+185)

The final bout on the main card of UFC 270 is a middleweight fight between Rodolfo Viera and Wellington Turman.

Viera has a long history in Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu and has 17 gold medals from the Pan American Championship, European Championship, the World Cup, and the World Championship.

He joined the UFC in 2019 and won his debut by submission, which is how he has finished seven of his eight victories. Two fights ago, in February of last year, he suffered his one and only UFC loss.

Turman also has a Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu background and is a black belt. But unlike Vieira, who’s done well since coming to the UFC, Turman has struggled. He’s 2-3 since making his debut in 2019 but did win a split decision his last time out. However, that came against Sam Alvey, who hasn’t won in seven straight bouts.

UFC 270: Venue

An event this big needs a roaring crowd, which is what the nearly 19,000-seat Honda Center will provide.

Since the Honda Center first opened in 1993, it has hosted The Stanley Cup Final, the NCAA Men’s Basketball Tournament, and it’ll host the volleyball competition for the 2028 Summer Olympics. The Honda Center has also hosted several previous UFC events, beginning with UFC 59 in 2006.

At that first-ever UFC event in California, Tim Silva beat Andrei Arlovski to reclaim his heavyweight title, and Tito Ortiz beat Forrest Griffin to help set up his fight title with Chuck Liddell at the end of 2006.

UFC 270: COVID-19 Updates

For the first time since the pandemic began in 2020, vaccinated UFC fighters will not be tested for COVID-19 during the week of the fight. The same holds true for all vaccinated corner people. They also haven’t had to quarantine before UFC 270, which is a change.

All fighters and their corner people did have to test negative before they arrived in California, and all of them will be tested again before they leave after the event.

Unvaccinated fighters who arrived in California between Monday and Wednesday had to test negative twice – once upon arrival at the host hotel and again on Thursday. Anyone arriving Thursday only needs to test negative once.

This article was provided by, a betting community website where you can find the latest promo codes, sportsbook bonuses, expert predictions, and betting picks on all major leagues in the United States and beyond. You’ll also be able to compare odds between different betting sites, have access to high-tech betting calculators, and sports stats to help you place winning bets.

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Does Black Mirror Season 6 Have A Release Date?



Does Black Mirror Season 6 Have A Release Date?

All the Black Mirror fans out there, it is time to rewatch all the seasons of Black Mirror for a revision because Season 6 is coming! It is indeed news to be excited about because, since 2019, there has been no update on the new season or its making, leaving all the fans in reverie about the show.

We are just excited as you are after this news, and that is why we are here to share with you all the details on its release and what you can expect.

Based on a Variety report, the hit Netflix sci-fi anthology series Black Mirror Season 6 by creator Charlie Brooker is officially in the works, and the casting is underway. The complete details about the storyline have been kept hidden behind the doors.

But then we should be happy that the new season is coming, especially when Brooker told Radio Times that he wasn’t sure about the future of the new season based on the changes in the society these past 2 years.

When Is It Releasing?

Unfortunately, the exact date as to when the series will release has not yet been revealed, and it is not coming anytime soon because there are right now in the casting stage. But then, on the positive side, we can be hopeful that at least the new season is coming.

1652826043 922 Does Black Mirror Season 6 Have A Release Date

Season 6 Details

As reported by Variety, Black Mirror will have more episodes than season 5, where there were just 3 episodes; and they were pretty long. As we know, the production of Black Mirror has always been the talk of the town, and it will continue to be so as the episodes of Season 6 are expected to be even more cinematic and will be treated as an individual film. Isn’t it exciting! Each episode will be like a movie!

The Cast

Black Mirror has always been one of those shows praised for its powerful and talented cast. The cast is what sets the whole series apart and is great. Some of them are Bryce Dallas, Jon Hamm, Hayley Atwell, Toby Krebell, Kelly McDonald, Letitia Wright, Andrea Riseborough and many more. They are responsible for bringing the show to this level apart from the makers. The last season had some A-list cast like Miley Cyrus, Anthony Mackie, Andrew Scott and Abdul Mateen II.

Even though we don’t know yet about the new faces that will be seen in the new season; we can be sure that the casting will not disappoint us based on the predecessor seasons and casting.

About The Show

Black Mirror is a British dark sci-fi anthology series based on future dystopia and presents the dark side of technology. They use hi-tech to comment on several social issues of contemporary time; and the collision between human innovation and dark instincts.

The post Does Black Mirror Season 6 Have A Release Date? appeared first on Gizmo Story.

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Abortion resistance braces for demands of a post-Roe future



Abortion resistance braces for demands of a post-Roe future


The day’s first caller begged for help to cross state lines and end her pregnancy. “Please,” the woman from Texas said in her voicemail. “Anything would be greatly appreciated.”

Three states away, in southern Illinois, Alison Dreith heard the plea and ground a toothpick between her teeth. She’d started chewing them last year as a stress reliever the day Texas all but banned abortions. Now the stick darted across her mouth, left to right, right to left. She felt shaky.

“It’s starting,” said Dreith. “What we’ve been worrying about for years.”

When desperate people can’t obtain abortions near home — when they need plane tickets, bus fare, babysitters — they reach out to groups like Dreith’s, the Midwest Access Coalition. The demand has become staggering. Now, for the first time, she would have to tell a caller “No.”

The U.S. Supreme Court this summer is expected to gut Roe v. Wade, the 1973 ruling that made abortion a constitutional right. But already, state after state has tightened restrictions, pushing pregnant people further from home, for some hundreds of miles away.

Dreith and her collective are scrambling to pave avenues for them. There are almost 100 grassroots groups organizing as a safety valve for the vast swaths of the South and Midwest where abortion may soon be barred.

On this morning, Dreith’s phone buzzed with messages from her fellow abortion activists across the country, bemoaning the now-constant headlines bearing bad news about abortion rights. They’ve spent years battling abortion restrictions, getting arrested as they bellowed against bans, escorting pregnant people into clinics through throngs of protesters screaming “baby killer.” Now, helpless to prevent the coming crisis, the goal has become purely practical: assist abortion seekers one by one, either legally by helping them travel, or illegally if that’s what it eventually comes down to.

They ask: Which of us would be willing to go to jail? Some conservative states are trying to criminalize helping people cross state lines, and that’s exactly what Dreith does all day.

Dreith runs this resistance from the sofa on her rural pygmy goat farm, an unlikely gateway to abortion access. Nearby, a billboard greets people driving across the border into her state: “Welcome to Illinois, where you can get a safe, legal abortion.” The state is a “blue island,” a likely destination for thousands seeking to end unwanted pregnancies.

It’s already started. In September, Texas passed a ban on abortion after six weeks; courts let it stand. Patients fanned out into surrounding states, clogging up clinics and ballooning waiting lists — weeks turned to months. In Alabama, Dreith’s friend Robin Marty said she was going to have to direct patients to Illinois, an eight-hour drive.

The Midwest Access Coalition’s hotline is swamped and it’s about to get much busier: If Roe is overturned, abortion is expected to be banned in more than half of American states.

Dreith, 41, rubbed her forehead and slumped back into her sofa.

The coalition, funded by donations and grants, will have to make hard choices. There will be too many people and not enough money. They stopped funding partners traveling with adult patients. They’re considering capping the amount of money per client, and the number of clients per month.

Texas is outside the coalition’s coverage area, but it had offered to help when the state’s support groups, called abortion funds, were thrust into crisis. But now it is routing Texas callers back to other groups, which are also stressed.

Listening to the Texas woman’s voice message, the coming tsunami suddenly seemed very real. On their encrypted text chain, Dreith and her colleagues discussed this depressing prospect: In a post-Roe America, no matter how hard they try, some will be left behind.

Dreith sighed deeply and typed her reply.

“I’m so sorry,” she began. “We are unable to support Texans right now.”


When the draft Supreme Court opinion on Roe was leaked, “The Handbook for a Post-Roe America” sold out overnight. “Everybody wants something to do,” said Robin Marty, who wrote the 247-page manual. “I think people want to feel like there’s something within their control.”

It’s inconceivable, Marty said, that measures she described in her book might be necessary in a matter of weeks. “If I try to think about what this would look like, I can’t, because it’s a disaster.”

Her West Alabama Women’s Center sits on the edge of ordinary plaza of squat brick buildings, alongside an ophthalmologist’s office and an insurance agency. It is indistinguishable as an abortion clinic, except for the handful of protesters who gather daily in the parking lot to deter patients from going inside.

The clinic is near the University of Alabama in Tuscaloosa, so it draws in a lot of college students. But because it’s the only clinic for two hours in any direction, people come from all over the region.

Marty, 45, is the clinic’s operations director. She estimates that 75% of its patients are below the poverty line. Many have multiple children and work multiple jobs. Some struggle to make it to this clinic just across town; they cannot travel states away, even if there was an infinite supply of money, which there isn’t.

So when this clinic can no longer perform abortions, people will manage their own at home, she said, and that carries a constellation of risks, both physical and legal.

The dangers of a post-Roe world are not the same as the pre-Roe one, when desperate women would throw themselves downstairs, prod themselves with knitting needles or meet dubious doctors in back alleys. There are now medications that trigger a miscarriage and end a pregnancy safely at home, which anti-abortion lawmakers are also attempting to criminalize. Abortion pills are now provided by doctors, but can also be bought online and shipped in the mail.

Medication abortions are safe in early pregnancy and account already for more than half of terminations in the United States. But some are incomplete and require medical intervention.

“People will be afraid to get help. People will be afraid to go to the doctor, to go to the hospital, to go to the clinic, to get help out of fear of being arrested. And they may instead bleed to death,” said Dr. Leah Torres, the clinic’s physician.

Even if they do seek medical help, she worries that physicians will be afraid or unwilling to help them: This clinic has already seen four patients who arrived bleeding and said they’d been turned away by hospitals.

The anti-abortion movement has long held that it doesn’t intend to criminalize pregnant people. But last month, a woman was arrested in Texas after seeking care at a hospital, where staff suspected she’d self-administered an abortion, and called the sheriff. The charges against her were later dropped, but not until her name and mug shot whipped around the world.

Marty posted online about the arrest, pleading with people to not only support organizations like Dreith’s that help people travel, but also red state clinics like hers that will try to survive for those who can’t.

“Because if our doors do close,” she wrote, “the only options left truly will be death or jail.”

Marty had been a journalist. But she saw abortion access collapsing, felt constrained by the journalistic mandate of impartiality, and so she left the business to work on the front lines.

She recruited Torres, an outspoken activist for abortion access in red states, to move to Alabama to turn a Southern abortion clinic into a full-service gynecological office, offering Pap smears and family planning, that might allow them to remain open even if abortion is banned. That way they will be here to treat people managing their own miscarriages, intentional or not, and no one will call the police.

In one examination room, a mother sat with her shaking 16-year-old daughter. The high schooler’s mother said they can’t afford a baby. She has four kids and one grandchild to take care of already.

She wants her daughter’s life to be better than hers. She was 15 when she had her first child and she dropped out of school.

“I want her to have a bright future,” the 34-year-old mother said. “I want her to graduate, go to school, become something in life, maybe a nurse or a doctor. I just wish the best for my kid.”

The woman, who is Black, had taken a day off her job at a roofing company without pay to drive her daughter here.

These are the families that frighten Marty the most. A 2013 study analyzed 413 cases from 1973 to 2005 where women were prosecuted for pregnancy outcomes: 71% were poor and more than half were women of color.

It was difficult for this mother to contemplate what they would have done if this clinic, an hour from home, no longer existed. Her daughter, in a swirl of childhood ignorance and fear, was four months along by the time she arrived here — and abortion with pills is authorized only up to 10 weeks. Her mother stared off, doing a silent calculation of days and money and miles.

“How far is Illinois from here?” she wondered.


Five hundred miles away, Alison Dreith took a break to visit with her friend, Pamela Merritt, who had come to visit the goats born just days before on Drieth’s Illinois farm. Merritt brought them onesies.

“I’m your grandma,” she cooed as she cuddled one named Albert. “You’re going to call me gamma.”

After years in the trenches fighting what Dreith calls the “abortion wars” together, they’ve become like family. Merritt officiated at Dreith’s wedding. They’ve already planned that when they get old and Merritt can no longer live alone, she’ll move in with Dreith and her husband.

Their careers have converged with the volatile rhythms of the abortion divide. Dreith, fresh out of college, started her internship with Planned Parenthood the day after Dr. George Tiller, an abortion provider in Kansas, was murdered in 2009 by an anti-abortion extremist.

Merritt, too, went to her job at a clinic that Monday.

“I got up in the morning and walked through a parking lot, down a sidewalk and into an abortion provider and it was the most profound and emotional walk I’ve ever taken,” she said. That day changed them both: Each resolved that a movement some died for was vital enough to become her life’s work.

Both Dreith and Merritt were some of the most outspoken activists in Missouri, a state with among the nation’s strictest abortion laws. Dreith led NARAL Pro-Choice Missouri and was on television so much she couldn’t go to the grocery store without someone stopping her to talk about abortion.

At Brett Kavanaugh’s Supreme Court confirmation hearing in 2018, she screamed that people shouldn’t have to travel to get an abortion. She was dragged away.

Merritt, meanwhile, started an unabashedly loud and liberal advocacy organization, Reproaction.

Merritt introduced Dreith to Robin Marty. In time, they realized those friendships were a foundation for the network they must build.

“It’s a lot like when people go to war. And I have been to war with Robin and Alison,” said Merritt, now the executive director of Medical Students for Choice. “I fought tooth and nail. I left it all on the court, as we used to say in tennis. And we lost.”

It took a toll on them. Dreith lost 40 pounds and wasn’t trying. Merritt started breaking out in hives; her sister had to remind her to eat.

“I needed a little bit of recovery,” said Dreith, so she left Missouri and bought a farm across the state line in Illinois, where there are no streetlights and they know their mailman by name.

She finds solace in the quiet, the goats prancing around the barnyard, and the knowledge that abortion will remain legal here and her representatives wouldn’t prefer to see her in handcuffs. She convinced Merritt to move to Illinois, too. Merritt adopted one of her goats and visits often.

“Did you bring me any books for my library?” Dreith asked, and they walked to the Little Free Library she erected along the country road. She keeps boxes of emergency contraception amid the books and pickle jars, and someone recently took one. She was delighted that word of her stash might spread.

That is her mission now: finding inventive ways to reach people who don’t want to be pregnant.

She picks clients up at the airport to drive them to the Hope Clinic for Women in Granite City, Illinois, a half hour from her farm.

The Hope Clinic sees up to 7,000 patients a year, said Dr. Erin King, the clinic’s executive director. Workers routinely field phone calls from their colleagues in other states: New laws took effect, and they have people in their waiting rooms. “How can you help us?” they ask. Now they’re preparing to absorb patients from half the country.

Twenty minutes away, a Planned Parenthood opened a first-of-its-kind support desk called the Regional Logistics Center, in suburban Fairview Heights. It functions as a sort of travel agency for abortion seekers.

Merritt has heard people say that there is no abortion resistance, because they don’t see this. It’s not a march or a rally. It is this group of friends and colleagues organizing, usually quietly, from their living rooms and cars and cubicles.

On the day Dreith had to turn away the Texas caller, she booked a hotel room for a 22-year-old from Tennessee who was traveling 250 miles to the Hope Clinic. A restaurant server who makes $2.13 an hour called from Kentucky to beg for help with a babysitter, hotel and food.

She started this job with the Midwest Access Coalition in November, and she said it feels good to keep her head down and do the pragmatic tasks of booking flights and telling pregnant people to feel no shame.

“That fills me up a little bit more than constantly being on the defensive, and I need to be filled up a little bit more right now because I was on the defensive for a really long time,” she said.

The clients are often among the most vulnerable, those who’ve never flown on a plane before, who have no phone, no car, no credit card to book hotel rooms. She doesn’t ask questions about what brought them to this point, she said, but many offer explanations anyway: homelessness, domestic violence, fetal abnormalities during pregnancies that were very much wanted.

“Your heart just breaks for people,” Dreith said. And so she tries to make their travels as painless as possible.

One woman from Arkansas said she’d never eaten White Castle and she’d heard it was delicious, so Dreith booked her a hotel next to the restaurant. The woman said it tasted as good as she’d always imagined.


A week earlier, Dreith took a road trip to a tattoo parlor in Richmond, Indiana, for a fundraiser with activists from Kentucky, Indiana and Ohio — all places where abortion is likely to be banned or restricted.

The day’s choices of special tattoos included a coat-hanger, the famous symbol of the dangerous back-alley abortions women endured before Roe v. Wade. “Never again,” it said.

There was one that featured a flower curling around two pills — one a circle, one a hexagon, together representing the cocktail of medications taken to induce an abortion. There was a tattoo of a staircase hidden behind an arch, a traditional design meant to signal its wearer knows how to find secret things.

But this network doesn’t want to keep their work a secret.

They tucked a business card for the Midwest Access Coalition onto a shelf at the tattoo parlor. They contemplated designs for magnets with their contact information to fasten to every metal thing they come across. Dreith considered stickers to put in bathroom stalls — in cities, in suburbs, in rural areas — because all kinds of people in all kinds of places get pregnant and don’t want to be, she said.

“I understand that some part of secrecy for some people needs to happen. Not everyone can go to jail,” Dreith said. “But we’re looking for the most vulnerable, and not just the people who can be clever enough to find us.”

This group gets together occasionally, the last time for a campout on Dreith’s goat farm last year, where they swam in the creek, slept on the lawn and contemplated a post-Roe world. It seems to them that the coming reality is just now beginning to dawn of much of a public that hasn’t been in this fight as long or as actively as they have been.

“We’re not the ones who are panicking,” said Meg Sasse Stern, who until recently ran the Kentucky Health Justice Network. “It’s because we’re already deeply traumatized from living this up until now. We’re beyond panic.”

“Now it’s more like, what’s the plan?” said Keli Foster, who escorts pregnant people past protesters into an Indiana abortion clinic.

They fretted over how to help their people.

“Send them to us, just send everybody to us,” Dreith said, because her safe haven in Illinois will be all they have left in the region.

Isolated on the farm, Dreith felt like she was living in a bubble, unable to process that in a matter of weeks the Supreme Court might ravage her life’s work. She’d felt guilty for not being more outraged.

But reality was starting to wash over her. When the draft Supreme Court opinion was leaked, Dreith cried for five days straight. She left the house for a drive, and found herself sitting at her father’s grave, listening to George Harrison’s album “All Things Must Pass.” She doesn’t know how long she sat there, maybe for the whole album, until she stopped crying and felt a deep resolve to finish her mission.

She knows the risks. Conservative politicians are now specifically targeting people like her. Lawmakers in some states, including nearby Missouri, are attempting to make it illegal to “aid and abet” abortions out of state, even driving people across a bridge into Illinois.

At the tattoo parlor, Dreith and her colleagues said they have to plan for this reality.

“Just to be completely honest, some of us are going to have to be willing to go down,” Keli Foster said. The rest sighed and nodded.

Dreith chose the tattoo design of the abortion pills, and had the artist put it on her arm, next to a tattoo of a bundle of herbs that have been used to induce abortion for millennia. People have always tried to end unwanted pregnancies, and they always will, she said. After all these years, she sees it as her responsibility to help them do that as safely as possible, regardless of the law.

So she talked with her husband, her lawyer and her friends.

“There will be a price,” Dreith said.

She told them she is willing to pay it.


AP National Writer Martha Irvine contributed to this report.

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Wilder Research appoints epidemiologist Heather Britt as executive director



Wilder Research appoints epidemiologist Heather Britt as executive director

The Amherst H. Wilder Foundation has appointed epidemiologist Heather Britt as executive director of its St. Paul-based research unit, Wilder Research.

Britt, recently a senior director of analytics with Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Minnesota, has held research and leadership positions at the Minnesota Hospital Association, Allina Health, the Minnesota Department of Education and the Urban Coalition. She holds a bachelor’s degree in biology from Cornell University, a master’s degree in public health from the University of North Carolina and a doctorate in epidemiology from the University of Minnesota.

The foundation partners with nonprofits, government agencies and policymakers across the country to develop data-informed policy.

Britt succeeds longtime Wilder Research executive director Paul Mattessich, who held the position for 40 years and grew the unit from 12 workers to 80 staff members. Mattesich announced his retirement last year. Britt will join Wilder on June 13.

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