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Prime Property: NBA star Scottie Pippen’s former mansion features full-size basketball court

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Ravens Q&Amp;A: Olb Daelin Hayes On Learning From A Frustrating Rookie Season, Reuniting With Kyle Hamilton, The Importance Of Community Service And More
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A 12,868-square-foot waterfront mansion in Fort Lauderdale, previously owned by former NBA basketball player Scottie Pippen, has features sure to delight any family — and it can be yours for under $20 million.

The home, at 2571 Del Lago Drive, sits on .72 acres in the exclusive Harbor Beach neighborhood, a gated community popular with boaters because of its deep water and quick access to the inlet leading to the ocean.

Listed for $19.995 million, the two-story Mediterranean mansion was built in 2004 and has seven bedrooms, eight full baths and two half baths.

Interior features include a theater room, club room, wine room, gym, a chef’s kitchen, an elevator, a playroom and a six-car garage that can store 10 cars with lifts.

Outside, there is a resort-style pool with a water slide, a putting green, a dock, an outdoor kitchen and a full NBA basketball court. The house sits on a double lot, with 215 linear feet of water frontage on a deep-water canal.

“It is a gorgeous property,” said Gilles Rais, a real estate agent with Coldwell Banker Realty in Fort Lauderdale, who holds the listing. “The layout is beautiful, and it has all the amenities you can dream of.”

Public records show that the current owners purchased the home in September 2021 from a trust controlled by Pippen for $10.545 million. Rais said they are relocating to a home in Miami Beach.

Pippen was selected in the first round of the 1987 draft by the Chicago Bulls and also played for the Houston Rockets and Portland Trail Blazers before retiring in 2004. The six-time NBA champion is a member of the Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame.


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Ravens sign CB Kevon Seymour off practice squad, elevate OT David Sharpe, OLB Brandon Copeland

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Ravens Sign Cb Kevon Seymour Off Practice Squad, Elevate Ot David Sharpe, Olb Brandon Copeland
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The Ravens signed cornerback Kevon Seymour off their practice squad Saturday and elevated two other players ahead of Sunday’s game against the Buffalo Bills.

Seymour, a dependable special teams contributor, played in nine games last year, making two starts. He’s yet to appear in a game this season. No Ravens cornerbacks were on Friday’s injury report, but the team has rotated its reserves early this season because of injuries and inconsistency.

Offensive tackle David Sharpe and outside linebacker Brandon Copeland (Gilman) are expected to play Sunday after practice squad promotions. Sharpe, who played in three games last season, helps the Ravens’ depth out wide, where Ronnie Stanley (ankle) and Patrick Mekari (ankle) are dealing with injuries. Stanley is questionable for Week 4, while Mekari is doubtful.

Copeland signed with the Ravens’ practice squad last week and had a sack late in the win against the New England Patriots. With Justin Houston (groin) doubtful for Sunday’s game and new signing Jason Pierre-Paul still ramping up, Copeland could be in line for significant action.


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Ramesh Ponnuru: The moral case for higher interest rates

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Ramesh Ponnuru: The Moral Case For Higher Interest Rates
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Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell’s efforts to cool down the economy are causing progressive criticism to heat up. He has been accused of wanting a “brutal” recession, trying to “throw millions of Americans out of work” and using “dangerous” rhetoric. And those are the comments of just one senator, Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts.

The criticism of the Fed’s interest-rate increases sometimes veers into demagoguery, just as did former President Donald Trump’s attacks on Powell when the Fed raised rates. But the progressives’ question deserves an answer: How can tightening monetary policy be morally justified even though it is expected to have a negative effect on employment?

What makes the question difficult is that the costs of inflation, while serious, are diffuse, while the costs associated with unemployment are highly concentrated. The costs of being unemployed are personal and often severe. They can include broken families, compromised mental health and reduced long-term prospects.

At the same time, the human toll of unemployment can’t be the argument-ender that Warren and like-minded observers want it to be. If it were, that would mean that tighter policy is never justified. That can’t be right.

Some progressives also have a simple-minded view of the relationship between unemployment and inflation. During the current bout of high inflation, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has repeatedly said that she was told in the 1980s, when she came to Congress, that inflation rises whenever unemployment falls.

She may have been told that; it reflected the conventional wisdom of a prior era. The early 1980s saw a severe recession largely caused by an effort to tame inflation. But her claim that inflation rises as unemployment falls has proven false during her own career. Unemployment fell from 1992 to 1998, and again from 2011 to 2020, without an increase in inflation.

Over the long run, tolerating high inflation does not seem to increase employment, and low inflation does not threaten it. Keeping inflation low is therefore a sensible long-term goal. The question today is this: What should the central bank do when a low-inflation regime has been won at great cost — that early-1980s recession — but is now in danger of ending?

One option, which Warren’s rhetoric pushes toward, would be to accept the current level of inflation on the grounds that bringing it down would weaken the labor market. But accepting current inflation may in practice amount to accepting higher inflation. Market expectations of inflation over the next five to 10 years are at present only slightly higher than the Fed’s 2% annual target.

Throw in the towel, and those expectations could rise — and become self-fulfilling. Then the Fed would face a worse version of its current choice: Either accept that inflation will drift even higher or clamp down on it at the cost of unemployment. Letting inflation drift higher, flinching from the fight because of the risk of higher unemployment, and then being forced to act is more or less how the U.S. got that severe recession in the early 1980s.

The remaining options are about degrees of tightening: a lot or a little, fast or slow. The fact that expectations are under control suggests that it might still be possible to restore low inflation without a large increase in unemployment. That’s an argument for moving fast. So is the fact that the unemployment rate is still relatively low. Judging from their projections, Fed policymakers think they can get inflation under control while unemployment peaks at 4.4% — which is lower than it was in any month of the Reagan or Obama presidencies.

The Fed may find its resolve tested if inflation begins to subside. It may be tempted to quit tightening when inflation drops to 3%, rather than inflict the additional pain needed to get back to the 2% target. If inflation is relatively predictable and stable, a 3% average might not impose much higher costs than a 2% one. But the Fed would not be making this choice in a vacuum. It would, in that case, be abandoning its initial target under duress, which is bound to make its future commitments less credible.

Recent statements by Powell have acknowledged the cost of restoring price stability but noted that, without it, “the economy does not work for anyone.” The alternative to taking the requisite action now, he has explained, is risking higher inflation and then a more severe recession. The critics are mistaken: He should keep tightening monetary policy, and with a clear conscience.

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David A. Hopkins: Trump’s surprising legacy: More female candidates — in both parties

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David A. Hopkins: Trump’s Surprising Legacy: More Female Candidates — In Both Parties
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Donald Trump’s upset victory over Hillary Clinton in 2016 inspired a surge in political activism among Democratic women. Six years later, that energy remains mostly intact — and has spread to the Republican Party as well.

Beginning with the Women’s March in 2017, held on Trump’s first full day as president, the anti-Trump “resistance” movement spoke with a distinctly female voice. Scholars and journalists who examined grassroots liberal politics during the Trump years observed a proliferation of women-led citizen networks dedicated to defeating the president and his Republican allies.

One way they did this was by deciding to become candidates themselves. The share of Democratic nominees for the U.S. House of Representatives who were women jumped from 29% in the 2016 election — a record at the time — to 42% in 2018, rising again to 48% in 2020. And as more women ran for office, more women won. The number of Democratic women increased from 62 to 89 in the House, from 14 to 16 in the Senate, and from 3 to 6 in state governorships over the four years of the Trump presidency, according to data compiled by the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University.

Trump’s defeat in 2020 raised the question of whether this activism among women would persist once he was no longer president. Had the “resistance” resulted in greater female representation in the Democratic Party? Or would passion fade without the constant fuel provided by Trump’s presence in the White House?

The recent conclusion of the 2022 nomination season provides an opportunity for some preliminary analysis. According to figures I’ve compiled, women constitute 43% of all Democratic nominees for U.S. House seats this year — a modest decline from 2020, but roughly equal to 2018 and well above any previous election. Women represent 40% of Democratic nominees for Senate or governor in 2022, marking a new record (the previous high was 38% in 2018).

But a relatively challenging political environment means that the raw number of female Democrats in office won’t increase much — or at all — after this fall’s elections, even if the gender balance within the party continues to shift.

Democratic Senators Catherine Cortez Masto of Nevada and Maggie Hassan of New Hampshire are both seeking second terms in perennially competitive states, while election forecasters suggest that at least a dozen Democratic women in the House are at serious risk of losing their seats. In governor’s races, a near-certain Democratic pickup by a female candidate in Massachusetts and a decent chance of victory in Arizona could be offset by potential losses in Kansas and Oregon.

In fact, it’s quite possible that most newly elected women next year will serve on the opposite side of the partisan aisle. Republican leaders and interest groups have responded to the recent wave of female Democratic candidates by aggressively recruiting more female candidates of their own. The proportion of Republican House nominees who are women increased from 13% in 2018 to 22% in 2020 and 19% this year. Women also constitute 21% of Republican Senate or gubernatorial nominees in 2022, representing a historical high point for the party.

Republican women are virtually assured of picking up a Senate seat in Alabama and are well-positioned in a number of House districts as well. They are also poised to capture at least one new governorship (Arkansas), with several other states — such as Oregon and Arizona — within reach.

When Trump was first elected, few analysts would have predicted that one legacy of his presidency would be a significant rise in the representation of women within both major parties. But change in the American two-party system often follows this back-and-forth pattern. Trump’s ascendance to the top of the GOP provoked a women-led opposition movement among Democrats, which in turn inspired a counter-response by Republican leaders who concluded that diversifying their own candidate ranks would prevent them from suffering a competitive disadvantage.

Both parties evolve as they react to developments on the other side as well as their own — just as Trump’s nomination itself represented a passionate Republican backlash against the presidency of Barack Obama.

Of course, it’s too soon to tell if the growth in female candidates will endure. But there’s one good reason to expect that it may continue for at least one more election: The Supreme Court’s June decision reversing Roe v. Wade was announced too late to affect the current field of candidates, since filing deadlines had already passed in nearly every state. But if Democratic anger at the Dobbs ruling fuels another upsurge of women running for office two years from now, Republicans could calculate that the best strategic response would be a further investment in recruiting their own slate of female nominees. When combined with Trump’s potential return to the electoral arena, that’s a formula for yet another Year of the Woman in 2024.

David A. Hopkins is an associate professor of political science at Boston College and the author of “Red Fighting Blue: How Geography and Electoral Rules Polarize American Politics.” He wrote this column for Bloomberg Opinion.

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Coal India’s coal production increases by 20% in April-September

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Coal India'S Coal Production Increases By 20% In April-September
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By PTI 01 October 2022, 20:14 IST (Released)


Reaching nearly 43% of the fiscal year’s 700 MT production target in six months, CIL aims to produce the remainder in the second half, the coal giant said in a statement. Usually, the production of CIL in the second semester remains much higher than that of the first semester.

State-owned CIL on Saturday reported a 19.7 percent growth in coal production to 299 million tonnes (MT) in the April-September period of the current fiscal year. The company represents more than 80% of national coal production.

The production of Coal India Ltd (CIL) in the corresponding period last year was 249.8 MT, the public sector company said in an exchange filing. The figures provided by the company are provisional.

Reaching nearly 43% of the fiscal year’s 700 MT production target in six months, CIL aims to produce the remainder in the second half, the coal giant said in a statement. Usually, the production of CIL in the second semester remains much higher than that of the first semester.

Coal output from the public sector unit last month also increased to 45.7 MT from 40.7 MT last September. The company’s coal drawdowns in the April-September period increased to 332 MT from 307.9 MT in the corresponding period last year, according to the filing.

Power plant supply, on the back of higher generation and higher load, jumped to 285.5 MT in the first half of FY23. “The year-on-year jump is 41 MT, registering a growth of 16.8%. CIL supplies amounted to 244.5 MT in the first half of FY22,” the statement said.

Dispelling apprehensions of coal shortages during the festive season, he said there were sufficient stocks of coal at CIL’s coal mines and power plants. At the end of September (through the 29th), coal stocks at national coal-fired power plants stood at 24 MT, with most of the stock being augmented by supplies from CIL.

“The stock was up 2.4x from 10 MT on September 21, when a sudden spike in (electricity) production drove up demand for coal. In late September, CIL beachheads a stock close to 28 MT,” the statement read.

He further stated that sufficient coal stocks are now at hand. Production also increases from October. There is no reason to fear a shortage.


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Chicago White Sox 2022 review: What went right, what went wrong and what’s next after a season filled with disappointment

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Chicago White Sox 2022 Review: What Went Right, What Went Wrong And What’s Next After A Season Filled With Disappointment
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Eloy Jiménez walked down the stairs in the visitors dugout at Target Field on Wednesday as Luis Robert discussed the 2022 season and looked ahead to 2023 with reporters.

“Next year is the year,” Jiménez yelled. “Let’s go.”

All the Sox can do is look ahead following a 2022 season filled with disappointment. After making the playoffs in 2020 and ‘21, the Sox will be spending this postseason at home.

“It just seemed like everything that could possibly go wrong went wrong,” catcher Yasmani Grandal said before Friday’s game against the San Diego Padres at Petco Park. “When you thought it was kind of coming back, it just never went back. It just kept going wrong.

“But I guess to put it plain and simple, we just sucked. Anything else would be an excuse, and the last thing you want to make as a team, as an individual, is an excuse.”

Here’s a look at what went right, what didn’t and what’s next for the Sox.

What went right

Dylan Cease put it all together and put himself in the running for the American League Cy Young Award while headlining the rotation.

Cease entered what might be his final start of the season Saturday near the top of several pitching categories, including ranking second in the majors with a 2.06 ERA.

He came within one out of a no-hitter Sept. 3 against the Minnesota Twins. Earlier in the season, he had 14 consecutive start in which he allowed no more than one earned run, becoming the first starter (non-opener) since 1913 to accomplish the feat.

“(The consistency is) huge,” Cease told the Tribune on Thursday. “To be able to be fairly consistent throughout the year is very important.”

The Sox signed pitcher Johnny Cueto to a minor-league deal shortly after Lance Lynn suffered a right knee injury during a Cactus League game that sidelined him until June. Cueto helped stabilize the rotation after joining the big-league team in May.

Cueto and Michael Kopech shined in one of the more impressive days of the season when the Sox swept a doubleheader against the Yankees on May 22 in New York. Kopech — who moved back into the rotation after spending most of last year as a reliever — retired the first 17 batters in Game 2 with Rob Brantly breaking up the perfect game with a two-out double in the sixth.

Closer Liam Hendriks ranked among the league leaders in saves (38) and made his third All-Star team.

He was joined at the All-Star Game by shortstop Tim Anderson, who was voted a starter for the first time. Anderson was eighth in the AL in batting average at the time he suffered what turned out to be a season-ending sagittal band tear in his left middle finger in early August.

While the power numbers were down, first baseman José Abreu found ways to make an impact. He ranked second in the AL in hits (180) and fifth in batting average (.304) entering Saturday.

Jiménez has been among the best hitters in baseball since the All-Star break, slashing .330/.398/.572 with 14 homers and 40 RBIs.

The Sox played up to their potential in early September, winning 13 of their first 19 after Miguel Cairo stepped in as acting manager.

But …

What went wrong

The Sox lost the opener of a big series against the Cleveland Guardians 10-7 in 11 innings on Sept. 20 and never recovered.

That defeat started an eight-game losing streak. The Sox saw the Guardians pull away to win the AL Central. Six of those losses came at home, where the Sox are a puzzling 35-43.

The Sox entered Saturday one game under .500, with injuries being a major factor.

Core position players such as Anderson, Robert, Jiménez, Grandal and third baseman Yoán Moncada were among those to spend time on the IL. The rotation and bullpen also were hit with injuries.

“We weren’t as consistent as we wanted to be,” Robert said through an interpreter Wednesday in Minneapolis. “Too many ups and downs, more downs than ups, and that affected the way that we played. When you have injuries, that’s something you cannot avoid. You can have your players playing, but if you have your players dealing with different injuries, you know the guys out there are not 100%. That’s going to affect your performance too.

“You can’t control that. I really believe that’s one of the main reasons why we underperformed this year.”

The Sox are wrapping up the season with Anderson and Robert on the IL while Moncada (.218/.282/.364) and Grandal (.200/.301/.269) struggled to find a rhythm offensively.

Beyond the injuries, the play on the field was surprisingly sloppy at times. The team’s 100 errors are the most in the AL. And baserunning miscues, whether it led to a triple play July 4 against the Twins or getting caught off third base following a walk July 27 at Colorado, squashed momentum.

It’s those fundamentals one would expect to be cleaned up under Tony La Russa, who returned as Sox manager after the 2020 season with the hopes of taking the team to the next level.

They made the playoffs again in 2021, but this season was filled with inconsistent play. And decisions such as intentionally walking Trea Turner with a 1-2 count in a June 9 game against the Los Angeles Dodgers gained national criticism.

Fans voiced their displeasure with the ups and downs, including chants of “Fire Tony” during an extra-inning loss to the Texas Rangers on June 11. The team’s inability to be a larger player at the trade deadline also left many scratching their heads.

Less than an hour before an Aug. 30 game against the Kansas City Royals, the Sox announced that La Russa would not manage that night at the direction of his doctors. The next day the Sox said La Russa was out indefinitely and would undergo further testing with doctors in Arizona.

On Sept. 24, the Sox announced La Russa would not return for the 2022 season at the direction of his doctors. Asked later that day if he had a sense if La Russa, 77, still wants to manage, Sox general manager Rick Hahn said, “Right now the focus is on his health.”

What’s next

Hahn said the team would address the managerial situation when “it’s appropriate to turn the page at the end of this year.”

That’s the most immediate question facing the Sox.

These could also be the last few games for Abreu with the Sox. He’s a free agent after the season.

Time will tell if the Sox look to add a left-handed bat, whether they search for a long-term solution at second base and the rotation plans with Cueto set for free agency.

Largely, the offseason will be about trying to find ways to get back on track after the squandered opportunities this season.

“It’s a frustrating year and we know what we need to work on and we know what we don’t want to fall into next year,” outfielder/first baseman Gavin Sheets told the Tribune on Tuesday in Minneapolis. “We know what went well and we know what didn’t work. For us next year, this season was a big learning curve. We don’t want to go back down this hole.

“We know the talent we have and we know what it takes because last year we did what it took and this year we didn’t. We take that and we run with it and I think we’ve got some good motivation going into next year.”


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John Shipley: Parade of mistakes costs Gophers

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John Shipley: Let’s Hope We’re Not Left With Stupid Baseball
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We’ll never know for certain whether Minnesota was ready to play football against Purdue on Saturday. Coach P.J. Fleck insisted the Gophers were, the evidence suggested otherwise.

But who knows what was in the Gophers’ hearts before, during or after their 20-10 loss to Purdue at Huntington Bank Stadium? We can only report what was in front of us, and what we saw was a 4-0 Minnesota team hot off thrashing Michigan State on the road and ranked No. 21 in the Associated Press poll for the first time this season spit the bit against a 9½-point underdog.

Even with 2020 Big Ten running back of the year Mo Ibrahim (ankle) pulled after warmups, Minnesota had its chances. Certainly enough to win.

Hitting the nail precisely on the head, Fleck summed it up during his postgame news conference: “Just too many mistakes,” he said.

Some of those mistakes were inconspicuous to most; Fleck spoke of a missed check-down, for instance. But the blatant mistakes were enough to make the difference.

Purdue scored a touchdown on its first possession, a 68-yard drive that ended with a 1-yard scoring run by Dylan Downing, his only carry of the game, but only after Minnesota’s Terrell Smith was called for (a soft) pass interference penalty on third-and-goal from the 3-yard line.

Facing fourth-and-2 from their own 29 on their next drive, the Gophers were stuffed for no gain on a wildcat play. Purdue managed only four yards on the ensuing possession but took their free three points on a 43-yard field goal by Mitchell Fineran. Ten-zip.

“I’d do it again,” Fleck said. “It cost us three points but we’ve got to be able to make first downs.”

For the rest of the half, it was more of the same. Gophers place-kicker Matthew Trickett missed a 28-yard field goal, and Michael Brown-Stephens missed a 3-yard touchdown pass that Tanner Morgan put on his hands. It bounced to a Purdue defender for an interception.

On Purdue’s next drive, the Gophers had the Boilermakers stopped for a fourth-and-7 at their own 23 but U defender Braelen Oliver hit receiver Tyrone Tracy Jr. well out of bounds and was charged with a personal foul. Purdue used its extra four plays and 15 yards to move to the 50 before punting with 1:23 left in the half.

Still, Purdue appeared ready to run out of gas in the third quarter, giving up the tying touchdown on Minnesota’s first drive of the half. Momentum appeared to be in the Gophers’ hands, but it was Purdue that responded in the final quarter. For whatever reason, the Gophers had nothing left.

That was conspicuously apparent when Purdue’s Devin Mockobee, on first-and-10 from his own 30-yard line, ran 68 yards. Not a single Gophers defender touched him until Oliver and Justin Walley corralled him at Minnesota’s 2-yard line with 2 minutes left.

Suddenly it was over.

“It’s not just about us not playing well,” Fleck said. “They forced us to not play well.”

Purdue might, in fact, be better than its 2-2 record and 28-26 escape of Florida Atlantic at home last week would indicate — the Boilermakers were beating No. 11 Penn State in the season opener before giving up a late touchdown in a 35-31 loss — but it didn’t play particularly well on Saturday. With a better effort, the Gophers could have won that game and been 5-0 overall, 2-0 headed into their bye week.

But they didn’t, and they aren’t.

“Just too many mistakes,” Fleck reiterated, “whether it’s a dropped pass, missed tackle, not in the right gap (and) us as coaches — a play call — that’s what you’ve got to look at.”

They have time to stew over it now, off until going to Illinois on Oct. 15. That won’t be easy. The Illini have usurped the Gophers’ claim on Best of the West after Saturday’s convincing, 34-10 victory at Wisconsin.

“The external (noise is) sitting there going, ‘They haven’t been tested. They haven’t been tested. They haven’t had any adversity,’ ” Fleck said. “Well, there it is. Here it is, and this team is training to handle the adversity.”

Maybe that will come in handy later in the season, but everyone knows it’s better to be undefeated.

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